Monthly Archives: October 2017

RE: Appropriation

For First Nations writers in Canada, the past two years have been bruising ones. In 2016, serious questions emerged about Joseph Boyden, a Canadian writer who has long claimed indigenous roots, but in reality has none. Then early this year, an editorial in Write, the flagship journal of  the Writers Union of Canada published an editorial that flippantly suggested the establishment of an Appropriation Prize to encourage writers of all backgrounds to “imagine other peoples, other cultures, other identities.”

 

Hal Niedzviecki

The editorial, by Hal Niedzviecki, quickly became a lightning rod for years of pent-up anger in the First Nations literary community over what they perceive as an attitude toward appropriation of indigenous materials by non-Native writers that blithely ignores their communities’ rights to intellectual property of the kind involved in traditional storytelling, iconography, and indeed the persona of the author him- or herself.

I’d go so far as to say there should even be an award for doing so — the Appropriation Prize for best book by an author who writes about people who aren’t even remotely like her or him

Hal Niedzviecki

On CBC radio, Jesse Wente (Ojibwe) reminded listeners  that stunts like this merely cloud the issue by employing “rhetorical arguments that conflate notions of free speech with cultural appropriation while disguising the very distinct histories of these two things.” Those histories are no joke for First Nations people, who know all too well the truth of Wente’s words: “We have to understand that cultural appropriation is institutionalized, it is the very foundation of what Canada is built on.”

Niedzviecki’s “joke” went over especially badly because it seemed part and parcel of the non-indigenous writing community’s rush to Boyden’s defense.

Many went so far as to argue that geneology is not as important as Boyden’s “enthusiasm” for Native issues. But, as Alicia Elliott observes in a recent article on the controversy, this sort of argument misses the point. For Elliott, as well as many other indigenous writers, the question is “why do these columnists and so many other non-Indigenous people care about blood quantum in Boyden’s case, but not in any other Indigenous person’s case? Why aren’t they lobbying for non-status Indians to finally be recognized by the Canadian government?”

For Elliott, the answer is simple. Boyden is a “good Indian.” Sure, he’s a wannabe, but he is the darling of the non-indigenous media and literary communities precisely because he doesn’t rock the boat. He speaks in generalities about reconciliation, a concept he reduces to a simple apology “we’ve made mistakes in the past.”

“We have to understand that cultural appropriation is institutionalized, it is the very foundation of what Canada is built on.”

Jesse Wente

Boyden’s defenders also seem not to understand that the concept of “Indian Blood” that they are so quick to dismiss as insignificant in this case is really at the center of cultural appropriation. It is an idea that has its roots in a governmental policy of dispossession (blood quantum rules established in Canada’s Indian Act of 1876) with genuine membership in an indigenous community and all that it entails. With the Indian Act, indigenous women and their children had their status taken away for marrying non-indigenous men. Boyden’s detractors wonder why his supporters are so quick to excuse his lack of status and yet blind to the fate of some many First Nations people who have been denied their cultural heritage. Why should a well-intentioned fabricator of indigenous culture have more right to cultural property than a tribal member stripped of her status by arbitrary statute?

Then there is the issue of market share. Boyden’s fake traditionalism, supported by public acclaim and lots of press coverage, took away potential readers from indigenous writers rooted in their communities and cultural traditions.

The time has come to leave Joseph Boyden and Hal Niedzviecki to their own devices and to concentrate instead on the many more writers from First Nations backgrounds who have great literature to share.

Jesse  Wente has offered a list of indigenous writers who readers ought to be reading instead of Boyden. Here are few.

Left to Right: Alicia Elliott, Richard Van Camp, Gord Grisenthwaite, Tanya Roach, Joshua Whitehead, and Louise Bernice Halfe.

Sources:

https://www.thestar.com/opinion/commentary/2017/05/18/the-emotional-exhaustion-of-debating-indigenous-views.html

https://www.thestar.com/news/insight/2017/07/31/medias-indigenous-coverage-has-always-been-slanted-and-its-still-scant-says-writer-hayden-king.html

https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/the-cultural-appropriation-debate-is-over-its-time-for-action/article35072670/?utm_source=facebook.com&utm_medium=Referrer%3A+Social+Network+%2F+Media&utm_campaign=Shared+Web+Article+Links

Adoption is not a passport to an Indigenous community

http://www.cbc.ca/beta/news/canada/toronto/jesse-wente-appropriation-prize-1.4115293

 

TransCanada scraps $12 billion oil pipeline

TransCanada Corp abandoned its C$15.7 billion ($12.52 billion) cross-country Energy East pipeline on Thursday amid mounting regulatory hurdles, dealing a blow to the country’s oil export ambitions.——Reuters October 5, 2017

If you believe the recent headlines announcing the TransCanada Corporation’s decision to cancel its planned Energy East pipeline, the company made a simple calculation based on supply and demand. As the graph below shows, most pipelines are not at capacity and the need for further expansion is not at all apparent from the data.

Yet this chart, created by Andrew Leach of the University of Alberta, only tells part of the story. Some media outlets have made the case that the protests of indigenous communities played an important role in this decision. CBC, for example, reports that “the entire province of Quebec was opposed to Energy East,” citing the comments of Allied First Nations Chief for Quebec and Labrador, Ghislain Picard. For Picard and others in indigenous communities, “the project’s cancellation was, in part, due to relentless lobbying on the ground.” (Read More).

Whichever of these analyses is correct, the fact remains that extractive industries engaged in oil and gas drilling and transportation have become a lighting rod for collective action in which Native communities are joined by environmental groups, as well as farmers and ranchers, to protest both government and corporate overreach.

the project’s cancellation was, in part, due to relentless lobbying on the ground

Ghislain Picard

Additionally, many tribal governments have committed to the development of alternative energy sources. On Picard’s reservation, for example, there is a wind farm. A 2012 report from the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) found that about 5% of all available alternative energy sources in the country are found on tribal lands (Developing Clean Energy Projects on Tribal Lands). Thus it seems that Native peoples’ opposition to oil and gas exploration near their homelands often derives from a more forward-looking approach to sustainability that sometimes outstrips that of the settler communities around them.

In 2005, during the Bush administration DOE set up an Office of Indian Energy Policy and Programs to facilitate this effort. As part of a more comprehensive Energy Policy Act regarding energy policy nationwide, the Office of Indian Energy Policy is tasked with providing funding for tribes who wish to pursue clean energy options on their lands. Between 2005-2014, DOE provided $40 million in assistance to 183 such tribal projects.

When Native communities protest fossil fuel development projects like the Energy East pipeline, it is not because they oppose progress. It is simply that this kind of “progress” will not prove sustainable in their homelands. Wind, water, sun—the resources that have nourished their crops and herds and families for centuries—are attractive sources for the energy needs of the tribes inasmuch as they are already part of the local ecosystem and, perhaps more importantly, they are not controlled by outsiders. Oil and natural gas production often bring with them social ills, and afterward, a staggering scale of cleanup and rehabilitation before the land is once more ready for farming or grazing.

Tar Sand extraction at Ft. McKay First Nation.

Still, some communities, like Ft. McKay First Nation in Canada, feel that such exploration and development are worth it. Having struggled for generations at the poverty level, now the tribe maintains a $56 million dollar community trust fund. Not everyone in Ft. McKay is optimistic. As elder Clara Mercer told APTN National News in 2015, “People went to work, people now have vehicles, and we have good homes here and well-kept yards. But along with the big bucks coming into the community we do also have social problems.”

The bottom line: Native nations have the sovereign right to choose.

Sources: Facing tougher regulations, TransCanada scraps $12 billion oil pipeline

http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/new-brunswick/energy-east-neb-indigenous-opinion-1.4151322

http://aptn.ca/news/2015/06/23/benefits-oil-boom-northern-first-nation-outweigh-losses-caused-industrial-development-now/